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Reduplication: Doubling In Morphology
FormatHardcover
SubjectLanguage Arts / Linguistics
ISBN/SKU0521806496
AuthorSharon Inkelas
PublisherCambridge Univ Pr
Publish DateApril 2005
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgments xi
Table of languages xiii
Abbreviations used in morpheme glosses xxi
1 Introduction 1(24)
1.1 Two approaches to duplication
2(4)
1.2 Morphological Doubling Theory
6(14)
1.2.1 The morphology of reduplication
7(4)
1.2.2 Constructions in morphology
11(2)
1.2.3 Constructional semantics
13(3)
1.2.4 Constructional phonology
16(2)
1.2.5 The phonology of reduplication
18(2)
1.3 Phonological copying
20(2)
1.4 Distinguishing the two types of duplication
22(1)
1.5 Wrapup and outline of book
23(2)
2 Evidence for morphological doubling 25(42)
2.1 Morphological targets: affix reduplication
27(4)
2.1.1 Preverb reduplication: Hungarian
28(1)
2.1.2 Reduplication within the derivational stem
28(2)
2.1.3 Further implications
30(1)
2.2 Morphotactic asymmetries: empty morphs
31(16)
2.2.1 Empty morphs in morphology
31(2)
2.2.2 Phonologically beneficial empty morphs
33(3)
2.2.3 Empty morphs in reduplication
36(5)
2.2.4 Simple melodic overwriting
41(2)
2.2.5 Double melodic overwriting
43(2)
2.2.6 Tier replacement
45(2)
2.3 Synonym and antonym constructions
47(18)
2.3.1 Root allomorphy
47(12)
2.3.2 Synonym constructions
59(2)
2.3.3 Beyond synonyms
61(4)
2.3.4 Wrapup
65(1)
2.4 Comparison of MDT with OO correspondence
65(1)
2.5 Conclusion
66(1)
3 Morphologically conditioned phonology in reduplication: the daughters 67(31)
3.1 Cophonologies
70(7)
3.1.1 Cophonologies vs. indexed constraints
74(1)
3.1.2 Cophonologies in reduplication
75(2)
3.2 Typical daughter modifications
77(5)
3.3 Divergent modification
82(10)
3.3.1 Hua
82(1)
3.3.2 Hausa tonal modification
83(1)
3.3.3 Tarok: divergent TETU
84(2)
3.3.4 Parallel modification
86(5)
3.3.5 Double modification outside of reduplication
91(1)
3.4 Daughter independence vs. base dependence
92(5)
3.4.1 Reduplicant shape
92(5)
3.5 Conclusion
97(1)
4 Morphologically conditioned phonology in reduplication: the mother node 98(37)
4.1 General approach to junctural phonology
99(1)
4.2 Reduplication-specific alternations
100(3)
4.3 Reduplication-specific non-alternation
103(15)
4.3.1 BR-Faith is insufficient
104(1)
4.3.2 Underapplication all over
105(1)
4.3.3 Non-identity-enhancing underapplication in reduplication
106(2)
4.3.4 Layering and underapplication
108(5)
4.3.5 Klamath
113(5)
4.4 3-Faith
118(16)
4.4.1 Predictions of 3-Faith
121(1)
4.4.2 Overapplication of reduplication-specific phonology
122(2)
4.4.3 Construction-specific insertion
124(1)
4.4.4 Reduplication-internal variation
125(3)
4.4.5 Parallels between reduplicative and nonreduplicative phonology
128(5)
4.4.6 Wrapup
133(1)
4.5 Conclusion
134(1)
5 Morphologically driven opacity in reduplication 135(46)
5.1 Daughter-based opacity: overapplication and underapplication in Javanese
136(15)
5.1.1 /a/-raising: underapplication by truncation
137(1)
5.1.2 Suffix-triggered ablaut: overapplication by truncation
138(5)
5.1.3 Opacity in suffixation and reduplication: wrapup
143(1)
5.1.4 Active prefix
144(1)
5.1.5 /h/-deletion: overapplication
145(2)
5.1.6 Laxing: underapplication
147(3)
5.1.7 Summary
150(1)
5.2 Mother-based opacity: infixation
151(5)
5.2.1 Chamorro
151(1)
5.2.2 Eastern Kadazan
152(3)
5.2.3 Infixation in MDT
155(1)
5.3 Morphological opacity outside of reduplication
156(2)
5.3.1 Opacity by truncation
156(1)
5.3.2 Opacity by infixation
157(1)
5.4 MDT vs. Coerced Identity theories
158(7)
5.4.1 Opacity does not always increase identity
161(1)
5.4.2 Distribution of opacity
161(4)
5.5 Case study: Fox
165 (8)
5.5.1 Stem-internal alternations: opaque overapplication by truncation
168(1)
5.5.2 Junctural alternations: normal application
169(3)
5.5.3 Summary of Fox
172(1)
5.6 Conclusion: morphology underlies opacity
173(1)
5.7 The question of backcopying
174 (7)
5.7.1 Lack of evidence for backcopying in morphological reduplication
175(2)
5.7.2 Backcopying as phonological assimilation
177(3)
5.7.3 Implications
180(1)
6 Case studies 181(16)
6.1 Tagalog
181(4)
6.1.1 Alternatives to backcopying
182(1)
6.1.2 Prefixation vs. infixation
183(2)
6.2 Chumash
185(12)
6.2.1 Alternatives to backcopying
187(2)
6.2.2 Chumash verb morphology
189(1)
6.2.3 Which prefixes can contribute an overcopying final C?
190(1)
6.2.4 Inner (Level 2) prefixes in the reduplication domain
190(1)
6.2.5 A split among Inner prefixes in Ineseno
191(2)
6.2.6 Implications of the split among Inner prefixes
193(2)
6.2.7 Summary
195(2)
7 Final issues 197(16)
7.1 Criteria distinguishing phonological copying from morphological reduplication
197(1)
7.2 The purpose and nature of phonological copying
197(2)
7.3 The morphological purpose of reduplication
199(2)
7.4 CV reduplication
201(2)
7.5 The question of rhyme
203(7)
7.6 The question of anti-identity
210(2)
7.7 Beyond reduplication
212(1)
Notes 213(12)
References 225(20)
Index of languages 245(2)
Index of names 247(4)
Index of subjects 251
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