REFRESH(900 sec): http://uts.cc.utexas.edu/~lbjjpa/publicrecord/feb/bookreview.html left logo Banner Title right logo UPDATED Sunday, February 1, 2004 Time 9:47PM CST Home Archive Submit About Contact Us BOOK REVIEW "Moral Politics: How Liberals and Conservatives Think" by George Lakoff By KEVIN BECK 02.01.04 9:48PM CST In Moral Politics: How Liberals and Conservatives Think, George Lakoff uses the methods of cognitive linguistics-a field in which he has worked since its infancy-to explain the different worldviews that shape liberal and conservative thought, and why what seems like common sense to one seems like bunk to another. In doing so, he hopes to begin a national discussion of morality and politics and, more specifically, prove why the liberal viewpoint is better for America. In both attempts, he ultimately fails. But first, why cognitive linguistics? In the simplest terms, it is the study of how humans conceptualize the world, particularly through language. What most of us consider "common sense" is actually a complex series of metaphorical connections we subconsciously make between different categories of experience. For example, our Western understanding of morality is connected to our understanding of finances, where moral credits (receiving kindness) can lead to moral debts (owing a favor). One of the most common metaphors people use to think about the nation is the family. It follows that different conceptions of the "ideal" family lead to different conceptions of the "ideal" nation. According to Lakoff, these differences are at the heart of conservative and liberal thought. Understanding the logic behind his family models allows us to understand, as the title promises, how liberals and conservatives think. On its broadest level, Moral Politics is convincing. That morality has its roots in the family seems clear, as does the connection between morality and political beliefs. Lakoff's two models of the family-the "Strict Father," based on dualism, moral strength, and self-sufficiency, and the "Nurturant Parent," based on pluralism, caring, and cooperation-also explain certain sets of conservative and liberal beliefs reasonably well. However, Moral Politics ultimately overreaches in its attempt to explain all possible political and prove the superiority of the liberal model. Lakoff's models cannot explain the diversity of political opinions, nor can he prove that the liberal worldview is superior. Arguing for a particular worldview isn't strange, of course. It goes on everyday in op-ed pieces and talk radio. In a book of supposedly unbiased analysis, however, it is problematic. To make his case, Lakoff oversimplifies modern political thought. Although he acknowledges that political views vary widely, Lakoff still places them on a linear scale. This is a common-sense understanding of politics, but it does little to explain a political landscape that includes ideologies, pragmatism, issue- and identity-based politics, and old-fashioned self-interest. All of these shape our political identities, but lose their meaning in Lakoff's dualistic scheme of politics and the family. More importantly, though, Moral Politics removes politics from their historical and cultural context. A conservative living in 2004 bears little resemblance to a conservative who lived in 1904, or even 1984. Differences in historical context, not to mention race, class, and gender, have a significant effect on political views, both individually and nationally, but Lakoff ignores them in favor of his more unifying theory. Sacrificing the effect of such differences in favor of a more elegant (but simple) theory is both unrealistic and dangerous. In fact, in trying to fit the entire political universe into its simple model, Moral Politics violates some of its own rules. For instance, Lakoff argues that a person need not apply the same model to their family and their politics. Despite this, he states that "[m]any elementary school teachers are women, often nurturant mothers, so nurturant they want to nurture other people's children. That is why conservatives are attacking the infrastructure of public education in the countryThey are up against an infrastructure full of nurturers." Even if his large generalizations are true, Lakoff still assumes that the nurturing women in education have nurturing, i.e., liberal politics, and that political conservatives have an equally conservative attitude toward schooling, but these aren't assumptions that cognitive linguistics allows him to make. Such an insistent attempt to fit all situations into the model indicates that Lakoff hasn't been as objective in his analysis as he claims. Even more disturbing, though, are the causal links Lakoff makes between conservatism and violence. He argues that "there is a slippery slope from one model to the other, from normal law-abiding conservatism to violent conservative vigilantism." To argue that the end product of mainstream conservatism is violence is not only reductive, it is a dangerous demonization. Plus, it ignores the violent excesses of the Left, from the Weather Underground in the 1960s to radical environmentalists today. Political violence exists among all ideologies, and Lakoff's attempts to link it strictly to conservatism hinder, rather than help, the political debate he hopes to foster. Ultimately, though, its Moral Politics' insistence on proving the superiority of a liberal worldview that does it in. Although I agree with his politics, I can't agree with Lakoff's methods. Psychological studies might indicate that a Nurturant Parent family model is better for children, but this doesn't mean that a liberal worldview, or the policies that go with it, are better for the country. Despite the convenient metaphor, running a country isn't raising a family, and liberals are going to have to win on the issues, not on spanking, if they want to convince the country of their worldview. Copyright © 2003 by The Public Record. This article may not be resold, reprinted, or redistributed for compensation of any kind without prior written permission from the author. Direct questions about permissions to lbjjpa@uts.cc.utexas.edu.